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Second Amendment as an illustration
A thought just popped into my mind, aided perhaps by a rising ethanol level (which might cast some light upon the brain/mind differentiation, but I digress...). The right to arms for some reason (perhaps that it remains controversial, perhaps that it is an area where traditional liberal-conservative thought tends to reverse itself) is place where manners of constitutional interpretation are highlighted. To make some rough distinctions, we can posit:
Natural rights approach (perhaps the Originalism of the Originals?): individuals have certain rights, which are ascertainable by logic. Humans can reason and communicate, hence they have freedom of expression. The need to defend themselves (particularly if government fails to do so) indicates that self defense is the most fundamental of rights, and hence that there is a right to have the physical means of self-defense. This would have made great sense to the framers (remember that the bill of rights takes the rights as a given ... it does not proclaim that free speech or ownership of arms is now and henceforth a right, it says that Congress shall make no law abridging the first right, nor infringe the second, in each case presupposing the right in question) but wouldn't be an argument you'd make in court today. If you meant to win, I mean. Individual rights view here wins out.
Originalism (which can be split into original intent, what did the Framers mean by their writings, and original understanding, which did the American people understand when they ratified those results). A form of legal positivism, which implicitly treats the rights in question as created by the writings or the understanding. The meaning of a right, like the meaning of a statute, is derived from the thoughts and purposes of its drafters or the decisionmakers who validated the decision. Again, the individual rights view wins, unless one is willing to go to extraordinary lengths (i.e., be less than intellectually honest) to evade that result.
I don't quite know what to entitle a third approach. It is not natural rights theory, nor true positivism. I suppose it amounts to "there is no constitutional right where I do not approve of the result." Under that, collective rights may win out. I'd suggest that this flunks one core standard of constitutional interpretation -- the interpretative tool must yield results independent of the interpreter's policy desires. Otherwise (1) courts are indeed non-elected policymakers and (2) the constitution is no more than the passing and personal desires of a court.
There is a fourth approach, I suppose, that of the idea of an evolving constitution. Prof. Volokh, while rejecting this idea, points out that (a) if we look at how the Congress has viewed the right to arms, it has several times in legislation stated it is an individual right; (b) if we look at how States have viewed it, all changes to State constitutions have made it more clearly individidual; (c) if we look at how the people at large view it, all surveys show a large majority believe they have an individual right to arms. That leaves only (d) the socio-economic class that includes judges don't think it is individual, but this last class view is hardly something one can base an ethical view of the constitution upon.
There is the variant of this discussed by Prof. Amar, who notes that meanings of words change over time -- but he also notes that the meaning of "right to keep and bear arms" seems to have shifted, not toward a collective right, but toward an individual right (vide the fact that in the 14th amendment period, the phrase "bear arms," which sounds quite military, came to be used in a clearly individual right sense).
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The argument of "original intent" stops short of restating the PHILOSOPHICAL underpinnings of our one-off libertarian democracy. That is, under a Lockian libertarian philosophy, rights are inherent in people; people grant revocable powers to governments; governments exist to serve the people. This was what is referred to as 'original intent'.
The reverse is Hobbesian divine-rights absolutism. Humans are animals, life without government is nasty, brutish and short; that government prevents people from destroying themselves and is led by a benevolent dictator through a privileged aristocracy who knows, and knows 'absolutely, by intuitive awareness, otherwise called divine inspiriation, what is best for 'his' people -- a people he loves and wants to grant only the best to their miserable little lives.
Taken to extremes, Libertarianism leads to anarchy and chaos. People who don't take control of their lives and improve their condition, die slowly and publicly. Divine-rights Absolutism leads via authoritarian control to aristocratic totalitarianism.
Given that in our modern day, government control is ascendent and individual rights are in decline, it is clear that those favoring Divine-rights Absolutism are winning the war for the Constitution. Libertarianism, for all it's dispersed capitalistic benefits, lends itself poorly to organisation and central management. Socialism, as Divine-rights Absolutism has evolved into, seems made for committees and central control. Government favors control.
In short, the Whigs won the battle, but the Tories are winning the long war.
“The purpose of construction of a constitutional amendment is to give effect to the intent of the framers and of the people who adopted it; and it is a rule of construction applicable to all constitutions that they are to be construed so as to promote the objects for which they were framed and adopted.” Citing Wisconsin v. Cole, Wis. 2003.
"The honorable member must forgive me for declaring my dissent from it; because, if I understand it rightly, it admits that the new system is defective, and most capitally; for, immediately after the proposed ratification, there comes a declaration that the paper before you is not intended to violate any of these three great rights — the liberty of religion, liberty of the press, and the trial by jury. What is the inference when you enumerate the rights which you are to enjoy? That those not enumerated are relinquished. There are only three things to be retained — religion, freedom of the press, and jury trial. Will not the ratification carry every thing, without excepting these three things? Will not all the world pronounce that we intended to give up all the rest? Every thing it speaks of, by way of rights, is comprised in these things. Your subsequent amendments only go to these three amendments.
I feel myself distressed, because the necessity of securing our personal rights seems not to have pervaded the minds of men; for many other valuable things are omitted: — for instance, general warrants, by which an officer may search suspected places, without evidence of the commission of a fact, or seize any person without evidence of his crime, ought to be prohibited. As these are admitted, any man may be seized, any property may be taken, in the most arbitrary manner, without any evidence or reason. Every thing the most sacred may be searched and ransacked by the strong hand of power. We have infinitely more reason to dread general warrants here than they have in England, because there, if a person be confined, liberty may be quickly obtained by the writ of habeas corpus. But here a man living many hundred miles from the judges may get in prison before he can get that writ.
Another most fatal omission is with respect to standing armies. In our bill of rights of Virginia, they are said to be dangerous to liberty, and it tells you that the proper defence of a free state consists in militia; and so I might go on to ten or eleven things of immense consequence secured in your bill of rights, concerning which that proposal is silent. Is that the language of the bill of rights in England? Is it the language of the American bill of rights, that these three rights, and these only, are valuable?... In my weak judgment, a government is strong when it applies to the most important end of all governments — the rights and privileges of the people. In the honorable member's proposal, jury trial, the press and religion, and other essential rights, are not to be given up. Other essential rights — what are they? The world will say that you intended to give them up. When you go into an enumeration of your rights, and stop that enumeration, the inevitable conclusion is, that what is omitted is intended to be surrendered." - Speech of Patrick Henry, June 24, 1788, Virginia's Debates on The United States Constitution